The relationship between imperialism and nationalism has often been portrayed by theorists of nationalism and post colonial discourse theorists as antagonistic. European Imperialism. Imperialism becomes intricately tied to Nationalism both economically and politically. Fr & Eng. Help the Ottomans AGAINST Russia. In this article I explore the relation between empire and nationalism in the late German Empire and its aftermath. I argue, from the perspective of.
Attempts to realize the ideal of Empire were increasingly partial or abortive - indeed served ultimately to reinforce and diffuse existing nationalist currents. In fact, such attempts could in general succeed only when they were themselves grounded in growing national sentiments. But in the long run, imperial states with a weak national base such as the Habsburg Empire were debilitated by confrontations with autonomous nationalist forces emerging within their domain; whereas those which possessed a strong national base such as the Napoleonic Empire came in the end to propagate or intensify nationalist tendencies, both at home and abroad.
At the end of the eighteenth century, however, a policy calling itself imperialist could still evoke the image of an internationalism, albeit hierarchical, which served to maintain peace among nations. In his Study, Hobson tried to dispel just this image. He showed how, in the historical conditions of a world governed by Nationalism those before his eyesprojection of the State beyond its national borders, even when inspired by the internationalist idea of Empire, could mean only anarchy in interstate relations, tending towards universal war.
According to Hobson, imperialist expansionism provoked reactions politically homogeneous with itself, not only among peoples of a well-defined national identity cf. The older nationalism was primarily an inclusive sentiment; its natural relation to the same sentiment in another people was lack of sympathy, not open hostility. While co-existent nationalities are capable of mutual aid involving no direct antagonism of interests, co-existent empires following each its own imperial corner of territorial and industrial aggrandizement are natural necessary enemies.
The scramble for Africa and Asia virtually recast the policy of all European nations, evoked alliances which cross all natural lines of sympathy and historical association, drove every continental nation to consume an ever growing share of its material and resources upon military and naval equipment, drew the great new power of the United States from its isolation into the full tide of competition; and by the multitude, the magnitude, and the suddenness of the issues it had thrown on to the stage of politics, became a constant agent of menace and of perturbation to the peace and progress of mankind.
For Hobson, in a world dominated by Nationalism, Internationalism could signify only an informal order among free and independent nations, assuring their harmony of interests through peaceful interchange of goods and ideas. The politicians of Free Trade had some foundation for their dream of a quick growth of effective, informal internationalism by peaceful, profitable intercommunication of goods and ideas among nations recognizing a just harmony of interest in free peoples.
Like Imperialism, the Informal Empire of Free-Trade represented a relationship of international competition. At least in principle, however, two quite distinct types of rivalry were involved.
In the case of Imperialism, rivalry affected political relations among states and was expressed in the arms race and the drive to territorial expansion; whereas in the case of Informal Empire, it concerned economic relations among individuals of different nationality and was expressed in the international division of labour.
Thus Imperialism signified political conflict among nations, Informal Empire economic interdependence between them. Peaceful interchange of goods and ideas betokened a type of development of diverse nationalities antithetical to that of Colonialism: A true test of efficiency of nations [demands] that the conflict of nations should take place not by the more primitive forms of fight and the ruder weapons in which nations are less differentiated, but by the higher forms of fight and the more complex intellectual and moral weapons which express the highest degree of national differentiation.
The higher struggle, conducted through reason, is none the less a national struggle for existence, because in it ideas and institutions which are worsted die, and not human organisms. The notion of the world as a cock-pit of nations in which round after round shall eliminate feebler fighters and leave in the end one nation, the most efficient, to lord it upon the dunghill. In Informal Empire, however, migrations have an inclusivist function: European emigration to the Americas provides a good illustration of these two contrasting processes — on the one hand, expansion of Iberian and Anglo-Saxon cultures through extermination or marginalization of indigenous societies, resulting in the formation of new nationalities; on the other hand, enrichment of these new nationalities especially the North American by inclusion of individuals and groups originating in the most diverse cultures.
One last point should be made clear. Informal Empire, like Imperialism and unlike Formal Empire and Colonialism, represented for Hobson a stable form of expansion of nationalities, that is one which tended to create a homogeneous environment: Surely there is a third alternative to the policy of national independence on the one hand, and of the right of conquest by which the more efficient nation absorbs the less efficient on the other, the alternative of experimental and progressive federation, which, proceeding on the line of greatest common experience, grows wider, until an effective political federation is established, comprising the whole of the civilized world.
Colonialism and Formal Empire are unstable expansionist tendencies, destined in the final analysis to strengthen nationalist phenomena. Nationalism in turn permits of two alternative outcomes: We are now in a position to synthesize the series of distinctions and oppositions through which Hobson attempted to define and convey his conception of Imperialism.
We shall have to schematize to some degree the wealth of his images, but a certain impoverishment of language will probably assist us to understand more precisely the real object of Hobson's Study. For Hobson, Nationalism could spread in only two directions: We may depict this assessment of the relative stability of the respective forms of expansionism by assigning a direction to the segments represented in Fig. In this manner, we obtain the four directional or arrowed segments of Fig.
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Let us now take this arena towards the end of the 19th century. The disintegration of the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires were the clearest instances of this, but a similar process was discernible in Russia, Japan and China, where the imperial organization of the state remained formally intact. To a varying degree, both these trends were present in all recently formed Nation-States, even if the former — the tendency to surpass enclosure into separate and exclusive realities and to open out in peaceful interchange of goods and ideas with other nations — was starting to be more typical of countries with a colonial past like the United States, while the latter tendency was starting to predominate in countries with an imperial past, like Germany cf.
This distinction will prove useful for a diachronic reading of Fig. Internationalism Informal Empire or Imperialism. In the USA, after nearly a century of inwardly concentrated effort to forge a single nation out of a multiplicity of colonial societies, Nationalism turned outwards at the end of the 19th century towards the external world, or rather towards an integration of that world within an Informal Empire. We shall explore these designations further in the course of our analysis.
For the moment, their interest is merely one of exemplification. However I hope that, in this respect at least, the reader may begin to glimpse the utility of the conceptual grid represented in Fig. As a result, inhe gave the serfs freedom. However, the serfs were still bound in many ways to their formal feudal dues. The former serfs were given only half of the land, and the nobles were allowed to keep the other half. In addition, former serfs had to pay a communal redemption fee to their former lords.
In addition, Alexander II ended the secret police started by Nicholas I, and he created public trials that had professional judges with state salaries as well as juries.
Zemstvos were created, which were local provincial councils, elected by the people, that dealt with local governmental issues such as roads and schools. Finally, Alexander reduced the draft from 25 years to 6 years.
Despite Alexander's actions, unrest continued in Russia. Peasant revolutionaries resented the redemption fees, and two new groups arose in Russia. The first, the nihilists, believed in nothing but science and rejected traditional society and culture. The second, the anarchists, led by Mikhail Bakunin, set out to destroy any government, even a reformist tsar like Alexander II. In a number of key battles, the war resulted in a surprise victory for Japan in a peace agreement brokered by U.
President Theodore Roosevelt in The war resulted in the establishment of Japan as a major world power. Japan modelled European industrialization and militarism, and increased its focus on China, gaining dominion over Korea and establishing a claim to Manchuria.
This expansion helped to cause World War I. The war marked the first major victory of a non-western power over a western power. As a result of the failure of the war in Russia, there was considerable discontent at home, and this discontent led to the Revolution of Finally, as a result of the defeat, Russia turned its interests back to the West and the Balkans.
The Revolution of [ edit ] Under Czar Nicholas II, who ruled from tothe people believed that "papa czar" could hear their grievances and he would fix them. However, the people soon learned that the czar could not be trusted.
On what has become known as "Bloody Sunday," June 22,a peaceful march of thousands of St. Petersburg workers to the Winter Palace by Father Gapon took place. The marchers desired an eight hour work day, the establishment of a minimum wage, and a constitutional assembly. However, the Czar was not in the city, and Russian troops panicked and killed several hundred of the marchers. As a result of Bloody Sunday, riots erupted throughout the country during Soviets formed the councils of workers in St.
Demands for representation increased, and the moral bond between the people and the czar was broken. As a result, the October Manifesto was granted to stop the disturbances. The October Manifesto provided a constitution, a parliament called the Duma, and some civil liberties. The Duma actually possessed little power, however, and was primarily intended to divide and subdue the revolutionaries.
Stolypin's Reforms[ edit ] Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was appointed minister by the Czar to address the problems of At Stolypin's recommendation, the czar ended redemption payments by the serfs, increased the power of the zemstvos, and allowed the peasants to own their land outright for the first time.
Peasants were now allowed to buy more land to increase their holdings, and were even given loans. In some sense this was a sincere attempt at reform, and it created a new class of prosperous, entrepreneurial peasants called Kulaks. However, for the most part this was again an attempt to subdue revolutionaries, as the ulterior motive of the plan was to create a new class of peasant farmers who would be conservative and loyal to the czar. Under Stolypin's lead, revolutionaries and dissenters were brutally punished in what became known as "Stolypin Neckties.
Imperialism[ edit ] The Ultramarine Papal disputes between Spain and Portugal were long gone and both nations had been in decline since late 16th, first one then the other as the British Empire had stated to take shape as a challenge to thwart the old powers, especially Spain and France. The Seven Years' War — permitted Britain's to rise among the world's predominant powersit destroyed France's supremacy in Europe, in North America s and opened the conquest of large parts of India, thus altering the European balance of power.
This was also the time the Industrial Revolution started to take shape in Great Britain. So bypolitical stability of European nations resulted in renewed interest in imperialist endeavours, expansionism and power. Britain had became heavily involved in colonialism. The newly-unified Germany saw expansion as a sign of greatness and France and other European nations also remained involved in imperialist affairs due the pressured of foreign competition.
By we see the start of the Victorian eraPax Britannica and the heights of Imperialism. The white man's burden - a satiric take This age cemented the notion of British exceptionalism as it had political, military and economic domination of the world.
Giving birth to the British notion of the white man's burden. While similar there are distinctions between this ideology and motivations in relation to the previous ones, especially the religious fervor that marked the Spanish maritime expansionism.
Spain was a Roman Catholic Nation and Britain had long become Protestant InKing Henry VIII put an end to all papal jurisdiction in England, after the Pope failed to annul his marriage to Catherine of Aragonthis seemingly simple differences had very large implications, first the Papacy had been the seat of power during the previous "word orders", much of the benefit and actions reflected into gains for the Roman church that had more or less maintained stable control over the head of states of what are the territories of today's Europe and the territories they controlled across the world, this important distinction is self evident in the ways Portugal and the Spain "colonized" and controlled territories in relation to England.
The other subtle distinction is how Protestantism sees personal worth, it is more centred in work, social structure, participation. This lead not only the seat of power being the Britain head of state, but that any national religious fervour be turned into national profitability and a centralization and depuration of notions regarding economic policies and legal proceeding. This is further validated when we compare the evolution of other Protestant dominated nations and their central social strength around the same values, for instance Holland and Germany.
The white man's burden held that the white man had an obligation to forcefully spread their ideas and institutions with others. This, of course, was utilized by some of the European governments as moral justification for their imperialistic foreign policies as British supremacy and influence increased.
In addition, as a result of European industrialization, nations had an increased need for various resources, such as cotton, rubber, and fuel. Moreover, a high level of nationalism was at the time being experienced across Europe, particularly as a result of Napoleon's Empire.
As nationalism grew at home, societies began to desire more troops for their army, and thus colonies were needed to provide more troops, as well as naval bases and refuelling points for ships.
By the late s, a number of nations across Europe possessed new colonial territories. Belgium had taken the Congo in central Africa. France controlled Algeria, and Italy controlled Somalia. It was said that "The sun never sets on the British Empire. In Asia, the British, Dutch and French all established or expanded their colonies.
Crimean War[ edit ] The Crimean War found its roots in the so-called "Eastern Question," or the question of what to do with the decaying Ottoman Empire. The Crimean War was provoked by Russian tsar Nicholas I's continuing pressure on the dying Ottoman Empire, and by Russia's claims to be the protector of the Orthodox Christian subjects of the Ottoman sultan.
Britain and France became involved in order to block Russian expansion and prevent Russians from acquiring control of the Turkish Straits and eastern Mediterranean, and to prevent Russia from upsetting the European balance of power.
The Crimean War is considered one of the first "modern" wars and it introduced a number of "firsts" to warfare. The Crimean War marked the first time rail-roads were used tactically to transport troops and to transport goods to troops over vast distances.
The War also marked the first time steam powered ships were used in war. Additionally, new weapons and techniques were used, including breech-loading rifles, which loaded from the rear, artillery, and the deployment of trenches.
The telegraph was used for the first time as well, allowing for the first "live" war to be broadcast in the press.
The conflict marked the end of Metternich's Concert of Europe. At the end of the war, Russia was defeated and as a result looked weak. Alexander recognized that in order to compete with other nations, it would have to industrialize and modernize. As a step toward this, Alexander liberated the serfs in Some of these random mutations are beneficial, and some are not.
He wrote that in the world, the creatures who are the "most fit" are most likely to survive and thus pass on their genes. This process, known as natural selection results in the strongest creatures thriving and the weak dying off. One of the most massive results of Darwin's theory of evolution was that it was another major challenge to the Catholic Church.
This, coupled with the Reformation, Renaissance, the Enlightenment and its subsequent rise of deism, and other related movements, caused the Church to lose even more influence in society. Also, Darwin's theory led to the rise of the concept of social Darwinismor "survival of the fittest. Social Darwinism espoused the idea that consensual economic interaction and property rights enabled societies to progress by allowing productive members of society to flourish and unproductive members to be punished by poverty.
Accordingly, the theory of social Darwinism had a large impact on classical liberal and libertarian theory.
European History/European Imperialism and Nationalism
However, in non-libertarian circles, social Darwinism did not enjoy a favourable reputation, as it was perceived to have espoused apologism on behalf of the rich, while condemning the poor. New Mental Sciences[ edit ] As a result of Darwin's theory, a new group of mental sciences arose. People now began to believe that life is a struggle, and they began to try to explain these struggles.
These new mental sciences supported the concepts of real politick and capitalism, and rejected the notion that life is orderly, harmonious, predictable, or reasonable. During this time, Sigmund Freud founded what is known as the psychoanalytical school of psychology.
He argued that people are not creatures of reason, as the Enlightenment suggested, but rather that people act because of subconscious motivations. He broke these motivations into three areas: Id The id produces unconscious desires and is the most primitive of the three. The id desires instant gratification.
Freud argued that people will use defence mechanisms and rationalization to justify acting upon the id. Ego The ego is the reality principle or the conscious self.
It attempts to suppress the id and its intense desires. Superego The superego is a person's conscience.
Lombroso argued that you can tell criminals by their appearance. Pavlov argued that people's actions are a response to being conditioned by stimuli in an environment.
Finally, Binet devised IQ tests, arguing that intelligence is a measurable quotient. As a result, eugenicists used this to try to prove that some people were more fit to live than others. Society and Culture[ edit ] The Victorian Age was a period in which appearances were critical to social status.